Ukrainian interest. Kremlin’s lies, Europe’s pledge, and strategic understanding
Lies have become a regular feature of Russian foreign policy. The European Commission, through its representative in Kyiv Jan Tombinski, has promised before the end of April to submit proposals on lifting visa regime for the Ukrainians. Cooperation between Kyiv and Warsaw is taking on a new shape.
The logic of Russia’s foreign policy has long been deemed savage, by an old Russian saying “Our law is Taiga, and the Bear is our prosecutor.” The world’s largest country sincerely and consistently perceives itself such a Bear and acts accordingly. Otherwise, it is difficult to explain the logic of statements by Russian dignitaries.
First, there was representative of the Russian Federation to the OSCE Alexander Lukashevich who talked the talk of Russian citizens going missing in Ukraine, without specifying though, what weapons and ammo they had while crossing the Russian-Ukrainian border… Then it was Russian President Vladimir Putin who said that there was no need to repeatedly demand from Moscow “the implementation of the Minsk agreements," because Russia had long fulfilled everything it could. His assurance that there will be no more active hostilities in Donbas was taken by separatists as a guide to action, and they started shelling the Ukrainian forces from various types of weapons with record intensity. That might be the way they “commemorated” the second anniversary of the spread of Russian aggression to Donbas and the outbreak of hostilities in the east of Ukraine.
The Kremlin’s task today: constant information pressure and shifting the blame on others.
It seems that Putin understands that the abolition of the EU sanctions against Russia is not to be expected this summer, so his task today is raising doubts and building up contradictions in the family of European nations, to undermine the situation in order to try to turn it in Russia’s favor with the slightest opportunity available. The Kremlin’s task today: constant information pressure and shifting the blame on others. At the same time, Moscow ignores the obvious, for example, the recommendations of Foreign Ministers of G7 – the organization which Germany’s Frank-Walter Steinmeier does not mind taking Russia back to. Not only have the G7’s top diplomats called for the implementation of the Minsk agreements, but they also spoke for the holding of elections in the areas beyond Ukraine’s control in line with the Ukrainian legislation.
Another topic which Putin prudently capitalizes is Nadia Savchenko and the prospects for the release. He says, the Russian and Ukrainian authorities are in constant contact on this issue. However, the Ukrainian and German doctors are not allowed to visit Savchenko, but on every possible occasion, a clear refrain is voiced here and there: "Poroshenko, save Nadia!"
The official Kyiv heard some encouraging news from Jan Tombinski who represents the European Commission in Ukraine. He assured that before the end of April, the European Commission will propose to the European Parliament to liberalize visa regime for the Ukrainians. In this situation, it would be the biggest mistake to perceive the long-awaited step of the EU as their own great achievement. That’s because it is a significant, but by no means final, element in the process of Ukraine’s European integration.
Oleksandr Turchynov made a number of important statements in Warsaw. The NSDC Secretary visited the Polish capital in the framework of the recent agreement between Petro Poroshenko and Andrzej Duda to intensify high-level contacts. Today, Ukraine and Poland are united not only by strategic partnership, but also by the common enemy – Russia. It is yet to be seen, how effective the rapprochement will be due to the external catalyst, but it would be better for Ukraine to change the format of relations with Poland, transforming them from the lawyer-client type cooperation (which has exhausted itself) into full partnership.